On Theories of Development and Communication
Chancy Mauluka: MA Seminar Paper- Development Communications, University of Malawi-Chancellor College, Zomba, Malawi, 2005
WHEN WITCHCRAFT AND MAGIC PARTICIPATE; Getting to the Bottom of the Community
One story exists among the people of Chirumba in Karonga district. Whether fictitious of true will not be questioned, but the story impregnates good lesson to the expert of participatory methods:
During the construction of the Chiweta-Karonga road, the road had to pass through some place where there was a big tree. When the path-finding tractor was some distance from the tree, the driver was approached by a man. -May you please divert the road and spear the tree?- The man probed for a possibility. And that would not work according to the driver. – Well, may you please cut it down tomorrow?- Pleaded the man. The man did not mention any reasons for the pleaded postponement of the task. And that did not make any sense to the path-finding driver who was working under schedule. The big tree was cut down on the very day; and on the following morning, the driver died.
Some tellers of the story will explain to you that the man was pleading because witches and wizards had to meet that night to remove their equipment from the tree and decide on another -rendezvous’
In this paper my duty is simply to bring to the spotlight some of the cultural traits in Africa that have for long been put at bay when even operationalising the definition of culture. When we say that culture has to participate, we usually have ideological limits of the degree of that cultural participation. One of such neglected cultural traits in Witchcraft and Magic. To what extent have these limited or promoted project success in rural communities?
Firstly, I will look into different theories of participation to highlight how in concept cultural participation has been deified/amplified. In terms of practical issues, I will look at some case studies from CRECCOM experience in the field. While interfacing theory and practice, it is my view that a holistic acceptance of -the culture of individuals’ while facilitating change, is more fruitful though a daunting duty..
2.0 The Theories
Participatory theories criticized the modernization paradigm on the grounds that it provided a top-down approach, ethnocentric and paternalistic view of development. They argued that the diffusion model proposed a conception of development associated with a western vision of progress. Development communication was informed by a theory that
– became a science of producing effective messages.- (Hein, in Quarmyne, 1991).
Participatory theories considered necessary, a redefinition of development communication. One set of definitions stated that it meant the systematic utilization of communication channels and techniques to increase participation in development and to inform, motivate and train rural populations mainly the grassroots.
From the definition above we get the glimpse that while propaganda theories seek to enlighten, participatory theories seek to inform. Agunga (1991) takes it further in saying -communication means a process of creating and stimulating understanding as the basis for development rather than information transmission'.
Stimulating here has a reflection to Paulo’s approach which was termed as -Dialogical Pedagogy’ in his Pedagogy of the Oppressed ( 1970). It defined equity in distribution and active grassroots participation as central principles. Communication should provide a sense of ownership to participants through sharing and reconstructing of experiences.
Lori and Cindy Hanson in transforming Participatory Facilitation talk about prerequisite steps for participatory facilitation. These are categorized as The Building of relationships of Reciprocal Trust, the Shifting of Power and The Discovery of Spiritual Dimensions.
In Building Relationships of Reciprocal Trust, the Hanson’s quoting Frere note that
– the majority of educators learn in an educational system dominated by didactic teaching methods that assume that the learner is an empty vessel to be filled with information and that the teacher is the transmitter of knowledge. As facilitators or educators we often repeat this pattern and consequently, participant or students become objects instead of subjects of learning.- Participatory leaning/education challenges this kind of relationship.
Participatory facilitators embark on a personal learning journey with the courage needed for self-discovery and personal change. When the commitment to learning and self-discovery join with skill in using participatory techniques, educators can engage in reciprocal learning with students, can fuel the growth of mutual trust, and in the process can lay the foundation for work towards lasting social change.
In Shifting the Power the Hansons first refer to Burke et al (1991) who say power issues and inequalities are inherent in any educational processes and are obstacles to establishing full participation and authentic relationships. These must be checked by the participatory facilitator right from the onset of training programs as the advertent/inappropriate use of power interferes within atmosphere of trust and safety on which growth centered approaches rest. The Hansons point out three important elements towards this decentralization i.e. the changing of roles and structures, the shifting of the control of information, and the discovery of spiritual dimensions.
What capsulates the Changing of roles and structures is the assumption of multiple roles by the facilitator. He has to be a facilitator-participant. Usually the dilemma of knowing -how much and when to lead-.is compounded by the fact that most people come from organizations where well-defined hierarchies and centralized decision-making, rather than group leadership-.are rules rather than exceptions'( Bhasin, 1991:13). Universities are notable examples of such hierarchies.
The task of destructuralisation is very challenging. Participants can experience discomfort by the change to a less structured learning environment. A lack of prescribed structure can be perceived as an apparent lack of leadership and direction. Participants can feel confused by the facilitator’s refusal to spell out specific objectives of learning activities so that they know -what to look for’. Their confusions are made worse by the inevitable silence while waiting for someone to start, to point out the relevance of something said or done, or to sum up an exercise. Eventually, however, participants do find resources within themselves to make sense of the situation and to define the meaning behind the experience. Most often, as a result, the uncomfortable silences and apparent leadership vacuum turn from confusion into a vital learning experience.
Typical Example- Personal Experience at Lisasadzi-Kasungu District:
Between 2003 and 2006, CRECCOM conducted the Malawi Education Support Activity
(MESA) Project in Kasungu, Mzimba-South, Phalombe and Machinga. In this project, to ensure empowerment of the -locals’, there were cluster leaders elected by the communities. These had the responsibility of promoting project goals while assisting the government field workers i.e. Primary Education Advisors (PEAs) and Community Development Assistants (CDAs). Promoting the concept and practice of decentralization was one of the project goals. In this, communities had to have a spirit of ownership by lobbying among themselves and lobbying from outsiders while mitigating against HIV and AIDS and promoting educational standards of their schools. After their election cluster leaders had to be trained. -Decentralization’ was one of the topics. While ensuring an inductive process of learning, I made sure that I did not give the definition of -decentralization’. Cluster Leaders had to come up with their definition/understanding while we facilitated. At Lisasadzi, in Kasungu district, a good number of leaders showed clear resentment of the method; and one leader from Kadifula cluster was able to mention that he was not being assisted: – Why don’t you just tell us the meaning of mphamvu ku anthu (meaning -decentralization). I thought we’ve come here too learn,’ commented the exasperated-looking leader. When I mentioned to them that we did not know either, and that what they hear on the radio might be false( or unrealistic to them), a good number of them looked very challenged. Definitely some felt the process was just there to brain-tease them. However, little by little they got into the tune, and there was maximum participation. Participants would challenge facilitators in a number of concepts. Though I dramatically tried not to show it, I personally got angry at one point when I thought I was saying the truth and these people could not understand. I felt a direct disadvantage of maximum participation- if that was what was happening.
By the end of the workshop, you could actually feel and see empowered cluster leaders. They were able to distort the timetable and extend it without expecting any payments e.g. while understanding the importance of their action plans, some felt they had to work over night and go the next day. – It needs to start from us. We have to show that we are -powerful’ (meaning decentralized). We cannot lobby from the government if we cannot lobby from withinst the community. And we cannot teach the spirit of lobbying if we are unable as leaders to lobby from ourselves. We are going tomorrow and we will not receive any allowances,’ commented the leader from Kadifula. Kadifula by the end tof the first year of the project’s circle was one of the best role models in Kasungu district.- Having outstanding initiatives on community involvement in HIV and AIDS mitigation and school improvement strategies.
In Theatre for Development ( TFD) practice poor facilitators have feared these moments of silence during the -forum scenes’ and have led to disastrous effects. Poor facilitators have lost the grasp that it is in these moments where lies the hub of participation. These are moments when the communities feel disenchanted because they ( previously) were expecting to be lectured but are suddenly turned into lecturers. These are moments of mental transition/adjustment and at times do represent moments of reflective mental processes. But while fearing this silence, as he/she thinks it means the people have not been motivated enough, the facilitator either turns into coercive tactics to involve them or speaks for them and all he/she expects are confirmatory responses. This turns the performance into a quasi-propaganda where the participants’ views are only shadows of the facilitators.
Discoursing on the role of the TFD facilitator, Boal sees the participant in the rural community as an oppressed person who does not have a voice and has to be persuaded to speak through the self-humiliation of the facilitator and the raising of -the esteem of the participant’. While doing this the participant has to be allowed to use his own symbols of expression which are experiential and meaningful to him.
Transparency is another important element in -Shifting the Control of Information.’ Quoting Starhawk (1997) the Hansons say – if there is a perception that some individuals have information needed by others and are not sharing it , then trust cannot be established and individuals cannot feel safe.’ Yet it is trust in each other and in the process that assists people through unfamiliar moments. Creating clarity around issues of information involves opening up ourselves as facilitators, making ourselves vulnerable and becoming transparent in our methods.
It was therefore necessary during the Lisasadzi experience to first mention the perspective objectives of the workshop. Perspective objectives here mean the underlying objective of organic participation. The participants have to know what is expected of them. This levels the ground and clears the mist of awkward expectations, which may tamper with trust. Action researchers of TFD have at times become -sensitisers’ when challenged by a respondent’s silence on issues due to an omitted transparency on perspective objectives. They have been challenged by communities/respondents through elevation of their status ( that they are expecting to know from the researchers) to an extent that the researcher has been researched: – So I told her that school is very important and she needed to go back; especially that the GABLE policy allows young mothers to re-enroll after delivery,- reported one researcher during an SMC-EQ TFD research at Zulu, Mnchinji district ( CRECCOM, Raw Data, 2002)
In Discovering Spiritual Dimensions Jacque and Dillman ( 1997) say vulnerability, confronting risks, trust, cooperation, passion and patience are essential spiritual dimensions of both facilitation and learning. They should be considered as important to develop as the skills and techniques for assessment, planning, implementation and evaluation. Discovering spiritual dimensions will be possible when we commit to deconstructing our practice, and redefining our relationships with learners. This psychotic understanding should have great legacy of the three Christian theories of participation/democracy. These are the Consent, Participatory and Defensive theories.
Consent theories are an extrapolation of what O’Donovan has termed as -dual appointment’ theory according to which both divine and human appointment are required for the proper institution of political authority. In this analogy, we see God as a participatory facilitator with acute vulnerability to accommodate the human will.
On the other hand Participatory theories endorse the principle of popular election as one expression of the general human potential or responsible freedom, and in more modern terms; self-development (-.). This is a more advanced Christian theory of participation because it is questing for an organic or maximum level of participation where the will of the people is the will of God. In project circles this could be translated into the understanding that the goals and objectives of the participants are the ones that decide the nature of leaning. Does this declare the facilitator redundant? To a great extent, yes. Because s/he has to know that s/he is a participant. In participatory learning everybody is a -facilitating-participator’.
Defensive theories are Marxist. They argue for -human potential for goodness as a necessary check on the unavoidable tendency of sinful holders of political authority’. Human action here comes as an antithesis. This theory is lacking because it assumes an already empowered community. But empowerment comes through participation, methods through which could be the aforementioned.
It is important that I also hint on the – Participatory Anthropic Principle' because of its strong philosophical base in matters of participation. It has often been remarked by physicists and chemists that the universe is very sensitively tuned to allow life to exist. As Hoyle, in 1983, pointed out, if certain physical and chemical constants were just a fraction out of their observed values, life should never have arisen. There is, for example, an ordinary series of coincidental physical conditions which led to the high cosmic abundance of the element carbon, the basis of life.
According to the cosmologists, the universe began as a quantum fluctuation in the limitless void. In the absence of an observer, the evolving universe remained a -multiverse’- a coherent quantum superposition of all logically possible states. It is the interaction of those states (- in other words participation’) that produced the observing life; and therefore the multiverse collapsed into one possibility.
What is mostly attractive in the quantum theory is that life itself is a result of participation. This elevates participation into a natural phenomenon and sanctifies any Marxist resistance to all social forces refusing to be part of this nature. It also espouses a horizontal relatedness of interacting -individuals’/states. The -good result’ should be a consequence of mutual interaction.
In operationalising participation Melkote says the participation-as-a-means to an end approach could be seen along a continuum: ranging from attempts at mobilization of a populace to cooperate in development activities to empowering the people so that they articulate and manage their own development. In participation-as-an-end, the people may not be expected to participate in identifying the problem and designing a development program. In such situations, participation by the people is very shallow, reduced to a process whereby people are externally manipulated to serve the ends of the authorities in charge of such programs ( Nair and White, 1987; Ascroft and Masilela, 1989; Diaz-Bordevan, 1989)
While involving the people, Participatory Research is a very strong tool and it demands an educational process for the participant in the research as well as the researcher and there is a conscious commitment of the researcher to work for the cause of the community. Thus, traditional scientific principle of neutrality is rejected in this research ( Knoneburg, 1986:255 in Melkote, 1991: 242). It is important here to mention that conscious commitment and resistance of neutrality should not be confused with enlightenment. Researchers may fall into the trap of enlightenment (irresponsible sensitization) while claiming conscious commitment. It is still the question of -when and how to say what.’ For instance during a TFD or workshop, if information giving precedes participants’ contributions, it closes them up and researchers/facilitators merely turn into -enlighters’.
All the theories I have implored above seek to highlight the idea of the mutual-horizontal relationship between the facilitator and the participant for effective and sustainable results. In all organic involvements with communities, it is not only necessary but also mandatory that there has to be an organic acceptance of the life of the indegene. The indegene knows himself better and can deliberate about his processes and consequences better than anyone else. It is very important to note that while accepting the indegene holistically, there will be moments of surprise that raise fears form the -facilitator’ because the input of the indegene has gone far beyond the -facilitator’s’ expectations. B accepting the culture of the -local’, which is holistic, we are making a brave claim that we can accommodate that estrangement. One such estrangement would be when the indegene deliberates to use acts of witchcraft and magic to ensure effective and efficient implementation of a project. I will raise what I feel is a complicated question on this one. Imagine you are an implementing stakeholder, a Project Manager for instance. You have a project in one of the remote sites in Africa and are aiming at improving educational quality for girls. Early pregnancies have been cited as one of the preponderant factors affecting girls’ retention in school. Because ou are an organic participatory facilitator, you quest for solutions from the people themselves. After thorough and high level involvement, the people decide to employ a traditional/herbs doctor who will be aborting pregnancies secretively. What would be your intervention, taking into account global issues against abortion and balancing it with the idea of maximum participation? Answers to his would be as many as there are many participatory practitioners and many communities. But important to note in the question is the fact that the indegenes have proposed a strange method, which is indigenous.
In its endeavors to involve communities, CRECCOM has encountered several strange interventions emanating from the communities. Some of these interesting mitigations fall into acts of witchcraft and magic; which I feel are strong cases to be considered by any participatory facilitator.
3.0 The Creative Center for Community Mobilization (CRECCOM) and its Methods
CRECCOM envisions a Malawi with self-motivated citizens who are responsive to ever-changing socio-economic and political pressures for the betterment of their own welfare and has a mission of addressing the -acute constraints of lack of community involvement and participation (ownership) which most Malawian communities face in addressing their own and the country’s developmental needs’ ( CRECCOM as an Organization, 2005:1, 4-6))
Underlining the mission statement is the question of participation and ownership. CRECCOM achieves these through sensitization, motivation and mobilization among other things. For purposes of this paper, it is the motivation and mobilization component that will be highly summoned.
In motivating nd mobilizing communities CRECCOM uses Theatre for Development and Field worker/Community based workshops. During Theatre for Development Participatory Action Research is used. This proceeds into making the communities come up with action plans. In the workshops, the end result is also the making of the action plans. While the TFD action plans are made by the -mass’ in a community, plans in community based workshops are make by community leaders. -The secret during such engagement is to hand overt the stick’ (Mobilization Skills, CRECCOM Training Manual). In -handing over the stick’ what is meant is that the communities should ideally have full control of the situation. This full control should be from the planning stage, across the implementation stage and the monitoring. This entails that there is participatory planning, implementation and evaluation of success. The idea of handing down th stick limits the facilitator against temptations of domination and – it is this that has lead to the success of many projects in education, environmental conservation and HIV & AIDS’
( CRECCOM Manager- Personal Communication, 2005)
Among the outstanding impacts that the -handing over’ has achieved is the acceptance of -indigenous methods’ (methods of the indegene) of intervention without coercive interference from CRECCOM office. Witchcraft and magic fall appropriately and interestingly into this. The cases below highlight this claim:
3.1 Magic vs. Witchcraft- Cases of Kabvuzi, Buke and Nyezelera
In 1998 a Theatre for Development troupe went to Kabvuzi Primary School in Nkhatabay district. It was during the Social Mobilisation Campaign for Educational Quality ( SMC-EQ), a Project funded by USAID in Malawi. The project aimed at raising the consciousness of communities to identify their problems ad come up with solutions. During the Participatory Action Research a good number of community members mentioned that witchcraft was one preponderant factor that constrained the quality of education. It was mentioned that when ever national examinations for standard 8 pupils were months ahead ( to be written), there were faeces found in the Standard 8 classrooms. These faeces according to those members of the community had a spell of preventing selection. And years had passed without having pupils selected. Blames kept shifting as to who actually was responsible for the witchcrafting. Some blamed the rich people of Kabvuzi: – They already have their children in secondary schools and colleges and do not want or children to excel,’ and others blamed teachers for a similar envy: – They are already educated and do not want our children to pass.’ Some chiefs were also blamed: -They regret that such a beautiful school is not in their village and so do use acts of witchcraft to prevent our success. They know it is our chief who will be famous if children pass, because pupils will actually be withdrawing from surrounding schools to come here.’ Action researchers had to maintain their scientific detachment on the issue. During the mobilization performance the issue was discussed at length. Some – Learned’ members of the community blamed the District Educational Manager ( DEM) for having liased with the Malawi National Examinations Board ( MANEB) to put the school on a halt for selection, reasons for which were not explained. The DEM tried to explain his reasons with much ado, but after several huddles it took one woman in pain to take up the issue of witchcraft. A tense moment was born; now with only a few members speaking: Chiefs, members of the School Management Committee, a few teachers and a few members of the community. There were gaps of silences as the facilitators probed on what had to be done. Everyone showed in their eyes and conduct that the real issue was now being discussed. Cultural euphemism was employed as an operating language. You do not speak objectively about culturally sensitive issues. And no direct answer was given, but the big chief ( Traditional Authority) pulled his threats against the magical ill-practitioners and promised change to the community members. – We are going to look into that. And to those who are doing it. Let me say you are risking life on that!” Examinations were to be written a few months from that date. No single piece of faeces was found. Examinations were written. And there was selection that year.
At Buke Primary school in Balaka a similar thing happened. Teachers and some community leaders were blamed of witchcraft. After deliberations on the -forum scene’ in TFD, cultural guardians promised change. 66 pupils wrote exams and all got selected.
At Nyezelera ( of Phalombe) in 1999 it was the question of a tree. A big tree was near the school and people claimed that in there were spells put by spirits. At times, Snakes would fall from the tree to terrify people who sat under the tree without any consent from the spirits. And the school was -thought by the spirits to have been planted at their site.’ And so, there was no selection. After sympathetic magic they cut down the tree and seven pupils passed that year.
3.2 Project Property Gets Recovered- The Case of Mphembedzu (Phalombe District)
The Malawi Educational Support Activity ( MESA) is one of the projects that was implemented by CRECCOM. In the project there was a component of small grants. These were given to schools that had portrayed practical understanding of decentralization. They lobbied from among themselves before lobbying from CRECCOM and other donors. This was to advance the spirit of ownership. Even after te giving out of the grant the communities were reminded that once given, the grant was theirs and CRECCOM would not intervene. It would only monitor. The communities decided on their own how to use the grant.
At Mphembedzu, immediately after buying sewing machines and carpentry equipment, the property was stolen. Authorities informed CRECCOM and what CRECCOM did was only to remind them of the ownership they pledged during the reception of the grant and during the whole of the project’s life. There was heated debate on what they had to do. Suggestions to consult the Migowi Police were brushed aside by some members of the community who were sure they knew well on how to get the property back. The hosting chief promised CRECCOM that the property would be retrieved before a week ended. They consulted a traditional doctor who in turn promised to them that three days would never come to pass before the property was found. – The thieves will actually find you!’ asserted the doctor.
A day after the promise, the Head Teacher’s office was broken into for the second time. Another property was stolen! And these were note books. The following day three young men came selling note books to teachers at the school. They were the very note books that were stole the previous day. The boys were handed over to the police where they pleaded guilty of both offences: They were the ones who stole the note books and the machines. The equipment was recovered.
3.3 Taking Away the Cultural Spell- T he Case of Chiluwa
Chiluwa Primary School is in Ntchisi district of Central Malawi. World Vision built a school in the area. However, there was not enough if any consultation. The school was built on a site where there previously was a Dambwe. A Dambwe is a site where boys among the Chewa are culturally exposed to rites of passage from adolescence to adulthood. The site was highly revered by the community despite the fact that it was abandoned for new site. This is among other reasons because a Dambwe site is also a graveyard; and being so, it is believed that it’s a site of spirits, on whom the Gulewankulu cults rest so much.
After the institution of the school, cultural guardians threw in some threats that there was never going to be any comfortable schooling at Chiluwa. They lived up to their threats. Whenever the school session opened, masks came chasing kids out of the school. Discussions took place between the educational office and chiefs, but things never really changed. Some teachers would run out of the classroom after -seeing chameleons on the teaching board’ while delivering lessons. Teachers kept transferring and pupils had low learning time.
When CRECCOM went to the site with community based workshops, the -stick was handed over’. Community leaders identified problems that constrained educational quality at the school. And Gulewnkulu was mentioned as one of them. They made action plans to address that. Cult leaders were lso pat of the workshop. Among the action plans, chiefs included a plan that they would hold a workshop with all the gulewankulu cult leaders to ensure there was full collective deliberation.
Through tactful facilitation of the chiefs, the cult leaders promised change and made their action plans. The place was going to be -cleansed’ with their secretive methods. The masks no longer threatened teachers and pupils. They actually included in their plan, that they were going to facilitate the building of a teacher’s house. And so, masks went on picking sand to the school and entertained parents who were molding bricks. But if parents and leaders were building a school but pupils were regularly absent, it meant all the initiatives were useless. The masks therefore were on a rampage to chase pupils from their homes to school. The opposite thing had happened!
3.4 Rain Stops at Nthumba ( Balaka District) In Civic Involvement in Primary Education (CIPE), CRECCOM encourages communities to take up initiatives to address their problems and supports them with a small grant. Nthumba was one of the schools that stood out as role models in Chembera zone. An open day was organized by the people, supported by CRECCOM. Different stakeholders had to come from all over. There were government officials of high esteem, officials from other non-governmental organizations and from OSISA, the donor. It was a great day for the people of Nthumba. They had opened gardens, built twelve toilets , planted a mini-forest ( woodlot) and had installed hygiene tins outside the toilets. All these being CIPE holistic objectives to improve educational quality.
Distinguished guests had to arrive for the open day at around 9:00 A.M. But when it ws just past 8:00 AM signs were shown in the sky and those who had culturally studied rain for years knew it was going to fall heavily. It was dark and rain had started falling from distant places, with great drops announcing the heavy fall at Nthumba. Some participants started dispersing and it was definite, taking into account how rain had fallen that week, that the function was going to be postponed. But that did not sound well with the organizers, most of whom were community leaders. Much had gone into the preparations and it would mean a great loss. One chief said to a CRECCOM official and other organizers : – We are conducting the activity, I’ll be back!- After a few moments, when there was nobody on the activities’ arena, the rain ceased. It fell in distant places and never reached the area. Might have been a coincidence?
The cases above are all centered at the idea of -handing over the stick’ as conceptualized by CRECCOM. This means that the communities have to be let loose to facilitate their own development. The implementer of the project may advice in certain instances by the advice should not be geared at changing the course of direction suggested but the people but rather giving them information which they may use while deliberating on their welfare. Community resource mobilization means that communities have to have the capacity of developing an inventory of their skills , intellect and services which they feel are necessary for the effective and sustainable implementation of a project. While doing this, scientific detachment of the implementing-facilitators should be the rule i.e. project implementers need not be judgmental while offering their advice. It is only then that the indegene can use all the resources at his disposal to the maximum. And no resource is silly, as long as it is well explained by the beneficiary on how positively instrumental it may be if employed. One such resource is witchcraft and magic. The community has all potential for estrangement, because they are the -other’. Facilitators have the duty of -intercoursing’ themselves with that -other’ as one Community Development Advisor mentioned in Kasungu district:
– When ever I am conducting a community based workshop, I know I am a -youngster’ before these people. Three quarters of them might be witches, and they know there are things I can tell them and others I cannot. That should be at the back of our mind- (CDA- Name withheld, Chankhanga TDC-Field worker Training, 2004)
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Boal A, Theatre of the Oppressed, Pluto Press, London, 1979
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The Communication Initiative, Family Tree of Theories, Methodologies and Strategies in Development Communication: Convergences and Differences, 2005
CRECCOM as an NGO and its Operations, CRECCOM-Publications, Zomba, 2005
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The Participatory Anthropic Principle, E:E-Journal, 2005@ http://home.btclick.com/scimah/
 The Communication Initiative, Family Tree of Theories, Methodologies and Strategies in Development Communication: Convergences and Differences, 2005, p.1
 The Communication Initiative, Ibid, p.3
 L Hanson, C. Hanson, Transforming Participatory Facilitation: Reflections from Practice, E: E-Journal, 2001: 29-31
 Paraphrase of A. Boal, Theatre of the Oppressed, 1979
 J.L.O’Donovan, Political Authority and European Community: The Challenge of the Christian Political Tradition,’ Scottish Journal of Theology, 1994: 47
 S.C. Mott, A Christian Perspective on Political Thought, Oxford University Press, 1993, pp. 15ff, 157
 The Participatory Anthropic Principle, E:E-Journal, 2005@ http://home.btclick.com/scimah/ pp.1-3
 S. Melkote, Communication in the Third World: Theory and Practice, Sage Publications, New Delhi,/Newbury Park/London, 1991, p. 237